Aklat ng Bayan, Inc. Book Launching:

Selected Writings of Jose Ma. Sison (1991-2009)


Isabelo de los Reyes Hall, UP Diliman Campus


February 19, 2009   Updated March 12, 2009



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 Volume I  Volume II The author:  Prof. Jose Maria Sison


Aklat ng Bayan, Inc. held a book launching of Volumes 1 and 2 in a 4-volume series of the selected writings of Jose Ma. Sison from 1991 to 2008 on February 19, 2009 at the Isabelo de los Reyes Auditorium, School of Labor and Industrial Relations) Bonifacio Hall, UP Diliman.

Aklat ng Bayan, Inc. publishes and circulates books and other publications that are socially relevant and that are specifically committed to furthering the goals of peoples' struggle for national and social liberation and democracy.


■    Click here for details on the contents of the books and how to order online


■    For further details on AnB's publications, please refer to its website at www.aklatngbayan.org.





Dear friends,

Thank you for participating in this launching of the first two volumes of a four-volume selection of my writings within the period 1991-2009. I appreciate your solidarity and support.

I congratulate Aklat ng Bayan for successfully publishing these first two volumes. I look forward to the next two volumes coming off the press during the last quarter of this year.

I am grateful to Aklat ng Bayan for the publication of the four-volume series. This serves to facilitate the access of activists, intellectuals and others to my written contributions to the Filipino people's struggle for national liberation and democracy.

I hope that these volumes can further shed light on the history and circumstances of the Filipino people and the origins and development of the current financial and economic crisis that has swept the whole capitalist world and is wreaking havoc on the lives of the broad masses of the people.

For some three decades already, the US has been boasting that the policy of “neoliberal” globalization spreads prosperity and democracy on the basis of a supposedly ever expanding “free market” protected by US imperialist military might. In fact, the US and other imperialist powers have accelerated the concentration and centralization of capital in their hands and have compelled the rest of the world to stagnate and sustain their consumption with debt financing,

Since the social turmoil in China, the collapse of the Soviet Union and the disintegration of revisionist ruling cliques in the period of 1989 to 1991, the US has arrogantly played the role of sole superpower, proclaimed the death of the cause of national liberation and democracy and launched economic, social, political and military offensive against the people of the world.

But now the world capitalist system is imploding. One kind of financial market after another has collapsed and has repeatedly cascaded to collapse the real economy. The crisis continues to worsen and deepen. The conditions of stagnation and depression are expected to run for at least 15 years. The US rulers are setting the pattern of bailing out the financial oligarchy and the industrial giants long before adequate measures are taken to provide relief to the working class and to simulate production.

Only recently the Arroyo regime has been saying that the fundamentals of the Philippine semifeudal and semicolonial economy are strong. Arroyo thought then that she could continue with foreign and domestic borrowing without end in order to cover trade and budgetary deficits and to misrepresent debt-financed consumption as the proof of economic growth.

Within the remaining limited time of the current reactionary regime and thereafter, the broad masses of the people can be expected to rise in protest against the escalation of exploitation and oppression. They are confronted by lockouts, mass lay-offs, drastic fall of wages, soaring prices of basic commodities and the deterioration of social services.

Under these circumstances, all forms of people's resistance are growing. The legal democratic mass movement is surging forward. The people's war in the countryside is intensifying as the regime has used counterrevolutionary violence to suppress the people's demands for basic social, economic and political reforms.

Once more thank you.

--Jose Maria Sison
February 19, 2009

Bayan Chair Carol Araullo gives the background to Vol. I
A review of Vol I by PILC President UN Judge Ad Litem Atty. Romeo Capulong
LFS Chair Vencer Crisostomo gives background to Vol. II
A review of Vol. II by UP Faculty Regent Dr. Judy Taguiwalo

Bonifacio Ilagan of First Quarter Storm Movement

 Master of Ceremony

Welcome Remarks

Aklat ng Bayan Chair Prof. Luis V. Teodoro


Aklat ng Bayan Vice Chair Dr. Alice Guillermo



An Email on the book launching


From: Erlinda Senturias
Date: Fri, 20 Feb 2009 00:17:33 +0800
Subject: Book Launching at UP SOLAIR

Dear friends,

This evening, February 19, I attended the book launching of the first two volumes of Prof. Jose Ma. Sison - *For Justice, Socialism and Peace* (Vol. 1) and *For Democracy and Socialism Against Imperialist Globalization* (Vol. 2). These two volumes were published by Aklat ng Bayan. This project celebrates the 70th birthday of Prof. Joma Sison and his 5 decades of
revolutionary service to the Filipino people. I am writing to convince you to look for these two volumes and buy them.
The background of the first volume was introduced by Dr. Carol Pagaduan Araullo, Chair of Bayan and reviewed by Atty. Romeo Capulong, Judge Ad Litem of the Public Interest Law Center and the second volume was introduced by Vencer Crisostomo of the League of Filipino Students and Secretary General of Kabataan Pinoy and reviewed by Dr. Judy Taguiwalo, Faculty Regent of the University of the Philippines. Sen. Jamby Madrigal was there and she expressed her hope that Prof. Sison could return soon from his long exile in the Netherlands.


There were nostalgic songs from the First Quarter Storm like "Ang Masa" and Martial Law Days as well as from poems of Prof. Jose Ma. Sison, "The Guerilla is like a Poet" and "What makes a hero?" sang by the FQSM and People's Chorale. The finale was the community singing of 'Internationale" in Tagalog.






There were some familiar faces in the audience whom I have not met for more than 1-3 decades. So it was good to be in this gathering of a mixed group of people from varous peoples' organizations. Thanks to Mr. Rey C. Casambre for offering to drive me to Las Pinas as the affair ended at 9pm..

The publications are selected writings from Prof. Sison from 1991-2009. The books reflect the "interactive and united struggles of the individual revolutionary thinker and activist and the collectivity of the people and revolutionary forces against the oppressive and exploitative system and policies of the US-dominated world capitalist system and the reactionary forces in the Philippines." (preface)

The book is a lens to understand the current crisis of monopoly capitalism, the peace talks, and other relevant issues in our country. I just bought two volumes and will find time to read them in our Paradise Farm and Forest Park in Barangay Payong Payong, Pigkawayan, Cotabato this week. It is always good to read a book from someone who has devoted his life to the strggles of the Filipino people and whom I have personally met after his release from prison in 1986 and when I was visiting Netherlands when I was working in Geneva in the 90s.

We just also learned that Prof. Sison is sick. He sent a message and it was read by Mr. Casambre of the Philippine Peace Center.

"Let a hundred flowers bloom",




Background to Volume I, “For Peace, Justice and Socialism"
By Carol Pagaduan-Araullo, Chairperson, BAYAN

Volume I, "For Peace, Justice and Socialism", of Professor Jose Ma. Sison’s newest set of books spans the years 1991 to 1995. I have been asked to give a backgrounder as to what Ms. Juliet de Lima in her preface to the four volumes said were “the most important events and issues in the Philippines and the world relevant for the purpose of advancing the people's struggle and international solidarity against imperialism and reaction” on which Prof. Sison gave his views.

My advantage over Vencer Crisostomo, a young activist leader assigned to give the backgrounder for Volume 2 who emailed me that he was only nine years old during the time the Volume 2 articles were being written, is that I was a conscious participant in the national democratic movement in this very confusing and trying times. Prof. Sison’s writings played an invaluable role in showing the way through the ideological and political fog and amidst the internal wranglings that were manifesting as well in organizational shake-ups and break-ups.

The period covers the final years of the Aquino government and early years of the Ramos government, the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the collapse of Eastern Europe regimes, the first US-led war against Iraq and the second rectification movement that involved not just the CPP but had ripple effects on the entire “ND” movement and even beyond.

By 1991, the post-EDSA I political euphoria that attended the overthrow of the Marcos Dictatorship and invested Mrs. Corazon Aquino with so much popularity and goodwill was almost dissipated. The Aquino regime was in deep trouble, facing coup threats, intractable armed conflicts, economic storms, social calamities as well as natural calamities such as the Mount Pinatubo eruption and the Northern Luzon earthquake. Thus in 1990 Mrs. Aquino sent a peace emissary to Prof. Sison and the NDF.

Gen. Fidel Ramos was former Chief of Staff and then Defense Secretary of Mrs. Aquino. He assumed the presidency in June 1992 and boasted about turning the Philippines into a newly-industrializing country by 2000 and bringing about peace by holding negotiations with the CPP/NPA/NDF, the MNLF, the MILF and the military rebels who staged several failed coups against the Aquino government.

Picking up from the stalled government peace initiative under Aquino, it was under the Ramos administration that the historic The Hague Joint Declaration was signed by the government and the NDF on September 1992 which set the objective, substantive agenda and framework for the peace negotiations between the two sides.

The NDF responded positively to the Ramos peace offer stating that the reasons why they did so were: to counter the line of government that it genuinely wanted peace while the CPP/NPA/NDF shunned it; to propagate its program for a people’s democratic revolution; and to achieve immediate gains that benefit the people and the revolutionary movement.

In his first SONA before Congress in July 1993, Pres. Ramos made the ff assessment:
Our peace initiative has succeeded beyond our expectations. It has brought the military rebels and southern secessionists to the conference table, and fragmented the insurgent communist party to the core.
Mr. Ramos was referring to a long-brewing rift within the CPP that broke out into the open soon after the party leadership issued a call in mid-1992 to “reaffirm our basic principles and rectify our errors.” A number of leading cadres rejected that call, defied the party leadership, publicly lambasted the party center and attempted to rally the bulk of the party’s cadres and rank and file to the “rejectionist” camp.

The Ramos regime estimated that the revolutionary movement was in a critical period both as a consequence of internal questioning and conflicts about fundamental matters such as the analysis of the character of Philippine society, the strategy and tactics for winning the revolution and the “line of march” including the long-held socialist perspective of the ND movement.

Mr. Ramos also anticipated the falling-out to come from the SU and Eastern bloc’s collapse as a result of which the revolutionary movement, founded on the teachings of Marx, Lenin, Stalin and Mao, would find itself an ideological orphan.

Thus it was crucial that the entry of the revolutionary forces into peace negotiations would not lead into the dangerous pitfall of confusion, demoralization and capitulation by the CPP/NPA-NDF’s cadre core, membership and mass base to the government. More than the peace talks, it was critical that the aforementioned basic analysis and line was “reaffirmed” and further expounded in the wake of confusion as to what was happening in the global and the national scene.

The rectification movement was a timely response in that it provided the beacon to shed light on the burning tactical and strategic questions being debated and hotly contested - eg protracted people’s war versus urban insurrection, peace and human rights, revisionism and socialism. The rectification movement also provided the clarion calls that the revolutionaries and their allies could rally around, consolidate and thus revitalized, forge ahead.

In the global arena, the collapse of the Soviet Union, the downfall of the ruling regimes in the rest of the Soviet bloc and the unabashed restoration of capitalism in the revisionist-ruled states in 1989-1991, was seized upon by the imperialists and their camp followers to launch an ideological and political offensive against socialism and all progressive currents in the world.

They falsely claimed that it was “socialism” that failed and that consequently, it had been historically proven that there is no alternative to capitalism, that the “end of history” was upon humankind. The ideological offensive included obscuring class lines on such issues as the environment and human rights and extolling “civil society” and “social movements” in place of revolutionary and progressive people’s movements firmly rooted in ranks of the exploited and oppressed.

The shift from Keynesianism to neoliberalism/monetarism in the eighties combined with the imperialist ideological offensive after the fall of the SU and Eastern European regimes paved the way towards “globalization,” the so-called inevitable and desirable integration of all national economies into the global capitalist economy brought about by technological breakthroughs and the dissolution of all pre-existing barriers to free trade and investment. “Globalization” promised the equalization of opportunities, the spread of prosperity and the promotion of modernity and unimpeded progress across the globe.

In truth and in fact, “globalization” was merely imperialism’s newest signboard to justify the intensification of the plunder of the world’s resources, the enslavement of the world’s peoples into a life of want, misery and unending toil and imperialist wars of aggression and intervention led by the sole Superpower, the US, together with the trashing of international law and international standards of human rights and international humanitarian law.

“Globalization” also meant imperialism’s attempts to homogenize the world’s peoples’ rich and diverse cultures into the mindless, consumerist, socially apathetic and politically neutralized mass culture engendered by capitalism.


Rey Claro Casambre of ILPS Philippines reads message of Prof. Jose Maria Sison
Message of Support from Sen. Ma. Consuelo  Madrigal
Aya Santos of Desaparecidos reads excerpts from Vol. I
Mrs. Edith Burgos of Desaparecidos reads excerpts from Vol II

I hope this backgrounder has helped situate the first of the new books of Prof. Sison and will encourage you to buy your own copy or make sure you know who you can borrow a copy from soonest. Thank you.



First Quarter Storm Cultural Group Angelis Mercado sings "What Makes a Hero"
Kulintang Dance by Marili Fernandez-Ilagan and Mary Jane Alejo, music by Dr. Nonilon V. Queaño "The Guerilla is like a Poet" by People's Chorale


Review by Judge Ad Litem Atty. Romneo Capulong

Presiden, Public Interest Law Center


Launching of Jose Maria Sison’s Book
Book I
Justice, Socialism and Peace

When I was invited by Aklat ng Bayan to make a review of Book 1 of the Selected Writings of Prof. Jose Maria Sison, I expressed initial reluctance. And for good reasons. Firstly, because despite being a long-time human rights lawyer who defended many of the leaders of the left on both sides of the RA-RJ divide and one of the defense lawyers of the author himself in the celebrated cases against him here and abroad, I felt I was not theoretically equipped to write such review. Secondly, I believe that an informed review of Prof. Sison’s scholarly writings require a certain level of revolutionary experience on the part of the reviewer.

But I surmise that probably because I do not have such credentials that the sponsors of this project chose me to do this difficult task. Indeed, many erroneously believe that Prof. Sison’s writings are good reading only for socialist scholars, political activists, revolutionaries and psy-war experts of the Pentagon and the Philippine government. For this reason, the launching of this book is timely and relevant at this period of global economic crisis and political turmoil. It is appropriate and useful because as the author himself had predicted long before the current recession, the world today is in a state of serious economic disorder; the sufferings of the peoples of the world have reached unprecedented severity and the level of consciousness and resistance of the oppressed and exploited classes against the prevailing social and economic system is steadily rising to new heights.

It is often said and, unfortunately, there is ample basis for this criticism, that our educational system has been designed by our colonial masters. And for this reason, it is heavily biased towards producing graduates who serve the interests of the upper classes of Philippine society and foreign interests. With due respect to my colleagues in the bar and the bench, this is particularly true among lawyers.

Relevant to this statement, I recall that in November 1970 after being immersed for twelve years in traditional politics and law practice, I had the privilege (or probably the not so honorable opportunity as I now look back at this stage of my political life) of getting elected and serving in the 1971 Constitutional Convention representing the first district of my home province of Nueva Ecija. I naively believed then that this constitutional convention showed a lot of promise.

After being out of touch with progressive politics and the academe for a long time, I knew I needed to update and prepare myself to work in that convention with former presidents of the republic (Diosdado Macapagal and Carlos Garcia), former senators, cabinet members and ambassadors, the promising young politicians at that time like Nene Pimentel, Tito Guingona, Richard Gordon, Edgardo Angara and Hilario Davide, Jr., to name a few, and even my very own venerable Dean Vicente Sinco of the UP College of Law.

Concomitant to this sense of unpreparedness, I selected a law professor classmate as a consultant who recruited two young activists and former editors of the Philippine Collegian into my staff. To be candid, I was completely unaware that by a strange twist of fate and serendipity, the Office of Delegate Romeo T. Capulong to the 1971 Constitutional Convention, unwittingly became a safe-house of Jose Maria Sison’s followers. This incident introduced me to the author’s writings and to progressive literature in general or at least the basic teachings and principles, enough to enable me to understand the roots of the problems of Philippine society and the correct program to address them. Fortunately, (or unfortunately to some well-meaning relatives and friends of mine who see in my present impoverished condition as a sign of bad politics and meaningless law practice) this incident also introduced me to the politics of Jose Maria Sison.

I have been tasked to review Prof. Sison’s twelve articles and speeches on justice, socialism and peace for Book I of the series covering the period from 1991-1995. I dare say that the breadth and depth of these three topics encompass the entire gamut of the writer’s life-time revolutionary work and commitment, manifested in his fifty years of selfless service to the national democratic struggle and to the Filipino people.

At the outset, let me state in a nutshell Prof. Sison’s most significant contribution to the Filipino people’s struggle for a just society and to the struggle of humanity against US imperialism and the forces of reaction. In his lectures and writings including the twelve articles in Book I and in his revolutionary work, the author consistently teaches us that Philippine society is semi-colonial and semi-feudal and that the three evils of Philippine society are US imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism.

In a paper entitled “Strengthen the Alliance for Human Rights in the National Democratic Movement” which was presented to the First National Congress of KARAPATAN on August 17, 1995 he firmly stated: “So long as the semi-colonial and semi-feudal ruling system persists, the toiling masses of workers and peasants and the middle social strata are exploited and oppressed. Their human rights – civil and political as well as economic, social and cultural – are unceasingly violated by the imperialists and the exploiting classes of big compradors and landlords.”

Based on this analysis of Philippine society as semi-colonial and semi-feudal Prof. Sison advocated as early as 1968 and consistently maintained the revolutionary line that there has been no qualitative change in this status, and the Philippine revolution must be national democratic in character that seeks the liberation of the Filipino people from foreign and feudal oppression and exploitation. He explained that this type of revolution seeks to assert national sovereignty against US imperialism and its Filipino puppets and fulfills the democratic aspirations of the peasants for land and to uphold the democratic rights of the broad masses against all forms of tyranny. And although the national democratic program is socialist in perspective and orientation, real socialist construction can begin only after the seizure of political power thru the victory of the national democratic revolution.

The author believes that to deviate from this analysis and line will derail the Philippine revolution. At crucial junctures of the national democratic revolution, Prof Sison eloquently and successfully defended this position against revisionism and insurrectionism. In his contribution to the Conference on Socialism and The New World Order, the author said: “All Marxist-Leninists recognize that there must be a comprehensive, scientific view of things as precondition for taking the proletarian revolutionary stand, viewpoint and method. But there are those who systematically take a rightist or bourgeois stand, viewpoint and method and capitalize and speculate on that side of the objective reality which serves them.”

The author’s writings are rich and illuminating in the analysis and denunciation of all forms of revisionism in the communist parties in the Philippines, in the USSR and in the People’s Republic of China (PROC). His critiques extend to both the communist parties still engaged in the revolution such as the old Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas (PKP) and the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) which he founded and the ruling communist parties in the USSR and the PROC. On November 7, 1990 shortly after the collapse of the USSR he wrote: “Even at its best, the proletarian revolutionary party contains a certain amount of unremoulded petty bourgeois and certain degree of bourgeois thinking. The unremoulded petty bourgeois is the social base of subjectivist and opportunist errors which are either put under restraint, rectification and repudiation or allowed to thrive in a party that is bound to degenerate and disintegrate.”

But in the same breadth, he conceded that “the revolutionary party of the proletariat cannot strengthen itself, cannot seize power and cannot build socialism if it fails to win over the petty bourgeoisie in society and if it does not recruit into the party those elements of petty bourgeois origin and socio-economic status who are willing to remould themselves into proletarian revolutionaries and render service to the proletariat and people” because “the petty bourgeois possesses the intellectual, professional and technical capabilities” which are vital to the revolutionary struggle rather than be used by the big bourgeoisie for the functioning of capitalism

In the same article, Prof. Sison pointedly concluded:

“The disintegration of the revisionist ruling parties and the sham socialist regimes and the collapse of the Soviet Union demonstrate so clearly that these have resulted from a certain sequence of events: the premature declaration of the end of class struggle between the proletariat and bourgeoisie within socialist society; the conversion of the new intelligentsia and bureaucracy into a huge mass of petty bourgeoisie; the role of this new petty bourgeoisie as the social base for the rise of bureaucratism, modern revisionism and the bureaucrat monopoly bourgeoisie; and the adoption of political economic and cultural policies of so-called reforms to restore capitalism and ultimately to disintegrate the revisionist ruling party and regime.”

My friends, I believe you will agree with me if I say that our review of the writings of the author will not be complete if we do not highlight his comprehensive and illuminating justification of armed struggle as the principal form of struggle to win the Philippine revolution. And in this regard, let me digress a bit by reiterating my humble submission on this sensitive and even risky issue which I have often publicly stated in various fora and even in the courtroom - an issue which, understandably, most social activists in the legal mass movement would prefer to avoid taking a public position.

I believe that the necessity of an armed struggle to topple a well-entrenched repressive government and dismantle an oppressive and exploitative social order is a scientific study by revolutionary thinkers and scholars. And no one, least of all from the ruling elites and the beneficiaries of the existing unjust and inhumane system, has the superior authority to make a judgment on this crucial weapon of the people by invoking the framework of morality and legality. After all, armed struggle is a political question and a historical fact.

In a February 1993 paper entitled “On the Question of Revolutionary Violence” presented to the League of Filipino Students (LFS) our writer said:

“In any exploitative society, whether slave, feudal or bourgeois, the state is the highest form of political organization, whose class character is determined by the dominant exploiting class and is used by it to coerce other classes into submission.”

He concluded that:

“In an exploitative class society, the state is essentially an instrument of class coercion, of class dictatorship, in the hands of the dominant exploiting class. It consists of the army, police, courts and prisons. These are employed by the ruling class to enjoy the freedom to exploit the ruled classes and to pretend using solely the means of suasion, like the schools, the mass media, the church and other institutions, the electoral competition, the legislative process and so on to keep the social order.”

The author believes firmly that what should be exposed, condemned and resisted is not revolutionary violence per se but the more severe violence of poverty, injustice and lack of genuine freedom and national sovereignty under the present system.

On the question of peace, Prof. Sison wrote on the subject two articles in June 1991 entitled “Two Articles on the People’s Struggle for a Just Peace.” It is a brilliant and comprehensive dissertation on the subject that shows the author’s depth and analytical mind, revolutionary experience, ability to grasp and learn lessons from history, wisdom and vision. The two articles were written seventeen years ago, and almost exactly one year before the start of the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) – National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) peace negotiations with the execution on September 1, 1992 and subsequent approval at the highest levels of leadership of the two parties of the landmark Hague Joint Declaration that resolved the difficult issue of framework of peace negotiations.

As we all know, the current stalled GRP-NDFP peace negotiations has been on-going officially for the past seventeen years. Seventeen (17) bilateral documents have already been approved and binding upon both parties to the peace negotiations, among which are the Hague Joint Declaration, Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees (JASIG) and the Comprehensive Agreement on Respect For Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL). To be fair, all these seventeen bilateral agreements were approved after lengthy and thorough discussions and debates, patience, determination and hard work on the part of the two negotiating panels, their consultants, staff and the highest officials and decision-making bodies of both parties. These documents after all lead to and traverse the right path to a just and lasting peace. But to be candid and clear also, anyone who studies these documents and their corresponding minutes and transcripts of the proceedings will readily see the unmistakable imprints therein of the two articles of Prof. Sison.

The two articles, among others, comprehensively discuss the correct framework of mutually acceptable principles of the peace negotiations that does not require surrender, capitulation or submission to the political authority of one party to the other, define the tactical and strategic relationship between the peace process and the painstaking revolutionary work in the field, warns against the pitfalls and continuing agenda of the GRP, stresses historical lessons, the appropriate role of third parties, cease-fire, sincerity of the NDFP and time-frame of the peace negotiations, foreign venue and, most important, the strategic line of the national democratic revolution as the path to a just and lasting peace.

As an opening statement, the two articles forcefully emphasizes at the outset that:

“A just and lasting peace is possible only if the Filipino people’s demand for national liberation and democracy is satisfied. It is the outcome of the people’s revolutionary struggle. It goes without saying that the national democratic revolution is at once the struggle for a just and lasting peace. The strategic line of this revolution which is to complete the struggle for national liberation and democracy, is the same strategic line that the NDF has to pursue in seeking a just and lasting peace.

There can be no other strategic line. To say that the NDF does not have such a line in seeking peace negotiations is to suggest another line or to confuse the line. To engage in peace negotiations, without addressing the roots of the armed conflict and without seeking substantial satisfaction of the people’s demands for national liberation and democracy, is to create confusion and even fall into capitulation.

The two articles trace the history of peace negotiations in the Philippines from the pre-colonial times, the Pact of Biak-na-Bato, the neo-colonial compromise between the Philippine commonwealth government and the US, the Quirino-Taruc amnesty and truce agreement of the PKP, the peace overtures of Ferdinand Marcos, and the Tripoli Agreement.

On localized peace initiatives and zones of peace often initiated by supposedly neutral third parties, the writer warns against its dangers to the revolutionary movement, thus:
“True to its revolutionary principles, the NDF does not accept the GRP Constitution as the sole and one sided legal and political frame of negotiations and refuses to be drawn at the outset to the line of “restoring trust and confidence in GRP.” Neither does the NDF demand that the GRP submit itself to the NDF Constitution and Program. Instead, the NDF proposes such mutually acceptable principles as national sovereignty, democracy, social justice and the like and the agreements still to be made as the legal and political frame of negotiations.”

“The NDF is opposed to the scheme of any particular organization or institution, posing as third force morally superior to the contending parties in the civil war and claiming the people for itself, to focus on areas where the NDF and its member-organizations (especially the New People’s Army) as well as people’s organs of political power exists; seek to push out or paralyze these popular entities; picture the NPA as a force unwanted by the people as the AFP; but in fact to uphold the political authority of the GRP. Proposals for “localized peace dialogues,” “localized ceasefires,” community-based peace” and “zones of peace, zones of life” are calculated to undermine and fragment the revolutionary movement and run counter to the proposal for GRP-NDF bilateral peace talks at the national level.”

Today, the Macapagal-Arroyo government has been sloganeering its position in the GRP-NDFP peace process that talks can resume only if the NDFP agrees to the so-called DDR or demobilization, disarmament and rehabilitation. This pre-condition, as we can readily see, is unreasonable and out-rightly unacceptable and contrary to the explicit provisions of the Hague Joint Declaration that prescribes the framework of the peace negotiations as mutually acceptable principles and put end of hostilities and disposition of forces as the fourth item in the substantive agenda after agreements have been reached on human rights and international humanitarian law, socio-economic rights and political and constitutional reforms. It is also unreasonable and totally unacceptable because after disarmament and demobilization of the New People’s Army (NPA) there will be no further need to discuss substantive issues that will address the roots of the armed conflict and attain a just and lasting peace. It is also condescending to the revolutionary forces and their allies, -- probably including most of us in this hall now -- who need no rehabilitation, unlike the human rights violators in the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and Philippine National Police (PNP) and the notoriously corrupt officials of the Macapagal-Arroyo government suffering from moral cancer who need not merely rehabilitation but probably surgical treatment of the brain or even all-sided revolutionary justice. On this question, the author emphasized that “the NDF does not agree to the surrender of arms as the biased or predetermined objective of the peace process. The substantive issues, addressing the roots of the armed conflict, must first be tackled. In the meantime, with regard to the question of ending the armed conflict, it may simply be put in the agenda by referring to armed forces and redisposition thereof.”

The above position, postulated in June 1991 in the Two Articles has been adopted by both parties on September 1, 1992 or more than one year later, and is now explicitly contained in the Hague Joint Declaration.

Prof. Sison incisively pointed out the contrast in the objective of the GRP with that of the NDFP. He wrote:

“In contrast with the strategic view of the NDF that the national democratic revolution is the way to a just and lasting peace, the GRP has for its strategic view the preservation of the oppressive and exploitative system and the defeat and pacification of the revolutionary forces.

Thus, the GRP demand first of all the submission of the NDF to the GRP Constitution and as soon as possible the liquidation of the New People’s Army and the surrender of its arms.”

On the question of sincerity in the peace negotiations which is often raised by the GRP and its allies, the author countered thus:

“The sincerity of the NDF in this regard is to be measured by its steadfastness in defending and upholding the people’s interest, its firmness of principles even while making policy adjustments to achieve certain specific anti-imperialist (e.g., the immediate removal of U.S. military bases) and democratic (e.g. genuine and thoroughgoing land reform) demands, and its vigilance in frustrating every scheme to undermine the gains and achievements of the revolutionary movement and the people.”

On reducing the level of violence, he said:
“ x x x The burden of responsibility for reducing the armed conflict lies on the part of the GRP and its military instrument, the AFP. As soon as they desist from carrying out onslaughts against the people and the guerilla fronts, there would be a dramatic reduction of the armed conflict. Consequently, the GRP would even be able to save on military expenditures and reallocate its resources towards nonmilitary activities.”

On the co-belligerency status of the NDFP under international law, the author pointed out that:

“ As a belligerent force, the NDF has a demonstrated national political leadership over a considerable part of the population and territory of the Philippines; has effective command over a sizeable people’s army; and comprehensively performs functions of government through local organs of political power which may be summarily called the people’s revolutionary government.”

Concluding his two long articles on the question of peace, the chief political consultant of the NDFP said:

“Notwithstanding the current obstacles to peace negotiations, the NDF is more than ever pursuing the struggle for a just and lasting peace because it is pursuing the national democratic revolution and waging all possible forms of struggle.”

Let me add that despite the intransigence and impossible precondition imposed by the Macapagal-Arroyo government, the NDFP, based on its own written and public pronouncements, remains open to the resumption of the peace talks without any precondition from its side.


Complimentary copies of the books given to represetnatives of various organizations

Karapatan's Marie Hilao-Enriquez, Gabriela Rep. Luz Ilagan,

Anakpawis Rep. Rafael Mariano and former UP President Francisco Nemenzo

Sen. Jamby Madrigal and UP Prof. Ed Villegas

Prof. Judy M. Taguiwalo, Ph.D
University of the Philippines Diliman

Ang “For Democracy and Socialism Against Imperialist Globalization”, (Para sa Demokrasya at Sosyalismo Laban sa Imperyalistang Globalisasyon) ay kolekyon ng 18 artikulong isinulat ni Prop. Jose Maria Sison mula Agosto 23, 1995 hanggang Mayo 2000.

Kabilang sa koleksyong ito ang mga mensahe ng may akda sa pagdiriwang ng mga sentenaryo ng Rebolusyong 1896 at ng Digmang Pilipino-Amerikano at ang kanyang artikulo kaugnay ng paggunita sa ika 150 taon ng Communist Manifesto. Narito rin ang tatlong artikulong inihanda niya para sa Brussels Conference noong 1997, 1998 at 1999. Sapagkat napakahalaga ng patuloy na paglilinaw sa katangian ng pambansa demokratikong kilusan sa Pilipinas, may mga artikulong natatalakay sa rebolusyong Pilipino at ang usapin ng nasyonalidad; ang relasyon at kombinasyon ng legal at di legal na mga anyo ng pakikibaka; at ng diplomasya at matagalang digmang bayan. May isang buong artikulo kaugnay ng Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution ng Tsina na isinulat batay sa kahilingan ng Monthly Review. Kabilang din sa aklat ang kanyang talumpati sa protest meeting kaugnay ng kanyang asylum case sa Netherlands.

Pero ang bulto ng mga artikulo aklat ay naglilinaw sa katangian ng globalisasyon bilang imperyalistang globalisasyon at ang pagdidiin na nanatili ang buong daigdig sa panahon ng imperyalismo at proletaryong rebolusyon. Di ito nakapagtataka dahil bago ang krisis pampinansya noong 1997, paulit ulit ang hambog na pagdeklara ng imperyalismo na tapos na ang kasaysayan, wala nang ibang landas na tatahakin ang mundo kundi ang kapitalistang landas at ang liberal na demokrasya ng burgesya. Panahon din yaon ng pagyakap ng mga burges na ekonomista sa loob at labas ng mga pamantasan at ng mga NGO’s at civil society groups, na suportado ng mga imperyalistang ahensya, sa di-umano’y pangako ng globalisasyon na inilako ng mga institusyon tulad ng WTO, World Bank at IMF.

Sa aklat na ito, muling ipinamamalas ni Prop. Jose Ma. Sison ang kanyang mahigpit na sapul sa kasaysayan ng kapitalismo at ng kilusang paggawa sa buong daigdig, sa mga batayang katangian ng imperyalismo anu’t anupaman ang maskarang ginagamit nito at sa pangangailangan ng sosyalismo para makamit ang kasaganaan at kapayapaan para sa mamamayan ng buong mundo.

Matalas at malalim na inilahad ni Dr. Ed Villegas sa introduksyon sa librong ito ang mahahalagang kontribusyon ni Prop. Sison sa patuloy nating pag-unawa sa katangian ng imperyalismo, ng rebisyonismo at ang sosyalismo bilang tanging alternatibo sa pagsasamantala’t pang-aapi ng imperyalismo at kapitalismo sa mundo.

Nais kong bigyang diin sa rebyung ito ang ilang mahahalagang paglilinaw na ginawa ni Prop. Sison :

1. Ang globalisasyon at imperyalismo ay iisa.
2. Bangkarote ang imperyalistang globalisasyon.
3. Ang imperyalismo ay nangangahulugan ng digma.
4. Ang patuloy na katuturan ng sosyalismo

Ang globalisasyon at imperyalismo ay iisa

Sa gitna ng pagtatangka ng mga imperyalistang bansa at ng kanilang mga multilateral na mga institusyon na ipakete ang globalisasyon bilang isang “tsunami” na hindi kayang hadlangan ng mamamayan, malinaw kay Prop. Sison na ang globalisasyon ay imperyalistang globalisasyon.


…(L)et me clarify that “globalization” is a fancy expression to obscure the precise and scientific term imperialism. It is a supraclass, petty-bourgeois expression originally used by bourgeois journalists and academics and subsequently adopted by corporate executives and high bureaucrats. It seeks to smuggle into the public consciousness the acceptance of the antiworker and antipeople notion that the increasing “laissez faire” rapacity of monopoly capitalism is necessary and appropriate to high technology and increased social productivity. (“Globalization and Class Struggle”,p. 168)

Ayon pa sa kanya, ang mga katagang “free market economies”, “free competition“ and “free trade” para isalarawan ang imperyalistang globalisasyon ay mga kamoplaheng ginagamit ng imperyalismo para maikubli ang realidad ng pagsasamantala ng monopolyo kapitalismo habang itinutulak nitong buksan ng mga bansang mahihirap ang kanilang pamilihan sa labis na kapital at labis na produkto ng mga imperyalistang bansa.

Isa pang kasinungalingang maagang inilantad ni Prop. Sison ay ang umano’y wala nang katuturan ang ”nation states” sa panahon ng globalisasyon.

The “neoliberals’” most outlandish claim is that multinational firms and banks have lost their national character and basing and have become so powerful internationally as to render impotent all kinds of states and reduce to irrelevance all questions of national sovereignty. But in fact, multinational enterprises have most of their capital, stock owners, personnel, research and development in their home countries and depend on their own imperialist states and multilateral agencies of states for protection, insurance and subsidies in their overseas operations and expansion.(“The Fatal Course of Imperialism and the Inevitability of Socialism”, p. 154)

Habang ibinabandila ng mga monopolyong kapitalista ang “malayang pamilihan” at nilalabanan ang pakikialam ng estado sa pamamagitan ng pagtutulak ng pribatisasyon, liberalisasyon at deregulasyon, kinikilala nito ang mahalagang papel ng estado bilang instrumento ng dominasyon sa uring manggagawa sa kanilang mga bansa at sa mga mamamayan ng mga bayang malakolonya

Sa imperyalistang globalisasyon, mahalaga ang estado para sa pagtitiyak at pagtatanggol sa interes ng malalaking negosyo habang todo ang pagbubuwis sa mamamayan at todo ang pagbabawas ng pondo para sa serbisyong panlipunan. Kaya angkop na angkop ang maiksing paglarawan ni Prop. Sison sa linya ng mga imperyalistang estado na “corporate welfare, yes! Social welfare, no!” (“The Fatal Course of Imperialism and the Inevitability of Socialism”, p. 153)

Bangkarote ang imperyalistang globalisasyon

Sa iba’t ibang artikulo sa librong ito, ipinakita ni Prop. Sison ang pagkabangkarote ng imperyalismo na mamamalas sa pangdaigdigang depresyon, ang malawak na kahirapan, ang pampulitikang ligalig at mga gera. (“The Bankruptcy of Imperialist Globalization and the Urgency of the Socialist Cause”, p. 137)

Pagpapabilis sa konsentrasyon ng kapital at maksimisasyon ng tubo sa pamamagitan ng pribatisasyon, liberalisasyon at deregulasyon ang pangunahing tunguhin ng monopolyo kapitalismo. Direkta ang epekto ng mga patakarang ito sa uring manggagawa at sa malawak na mamamayan. Nakapako ang mababang sahod ng mga manggagawa, sangkatutak na buwis ang pinapataw sa mga serbisyo at mga produkto at binabawasan ang alokasyon para sa mga panlipunang benepisyo at serbisyo. Samantala, kung anu-anong insentibo tulad ng pag-alis ng mga buwis at pagbail-out sa mga naluluging kompanya ang ibinibigay ng estado sa mga monopolyo kapitalista.

Ang kawalan ng trabaho ng malaking bilang ng mga manggagawa at ang napakababang sahod at pinaliit na mga benepisyong panlipunan para sa mga may trabaho ay nagpapapakitid sa pamilihan ng mga monopolyo kapitalista at nagbubunga ng labis na produksyon na tutungo sa pagsasara ng ibang mga impresa, pagtatanggal sa mga manggagawa at pagkalugi ng iba’t ibang korporasyon. Nililikha mismo ng imperyalismo ang sarili nitong krisis.

Naililihim ng panandalian ang pagkabangkarote ng imperyalistang globalisasyon bunga ng ilusyon ng pag-unlad dahil sa pag-abuso sa pananalapi.

The most imaginative forms of making money on money have been devised. Real assets are overvalued through the securities market, through unbridled bank borrowings by corporations and hedge funds (speculative investment firms), through speculative mergers and through the practice of international usury at the expense of the dominated countries.

Every day, at electronic speed, trillions of dollars move around the world in financial transactions among multinational firms and banks. Central banks keep a blind eye to the private transactions until the financial collapse occurs and the IMF moves in to require the client states to assume responsibility for the private debts, raise interest rates and devalue the currency or until within the imperialist countries themselves public funds are used to bail out the private firms and banks. (“The Bankruptcy of Imperialist Globalization and the Urgency of the Socialist Cause” pp. 137-138)

Ang imperyalismo ay nangangahulugan ng gera.

Ang imperyalismo ay nangangahulugan ng gera. Muli itong idiniin ni Prop. Sison sa kanyang pagbaybay sa mga gerang imperyalista.

Monopoly firms form international combines to arrange production and the market and to maximize profits at the expense of the proletariat and the people. But the competition among the monopoly firms also never ceases. It brings about the crisis of overproduction from one cycle of boom and bust to another. So long as imperialism persists, so will this crisis proceed from one level of severity to another. Under conditions of economic crisis, interimperialist competition sharpens and can sharpen to the point of causing the breakup of international combines and the realignment of monopolies and lead to wars, such as World War I and II. (“The People’s Struggle Against War”, p. 213)

Ang dalawang pandaigdigang gera sa pagitan ng mga imperyalista, Ang Unang Digmang Pandaigdig (1914-1918) at ang Ikalawang Digmaang Pandaigdig (1939-1946, ay mga tugon sa krisis ng labis na produksyon ng mga imperyalistang bansa at may layuning magkaroon ng panibagong hatian ng daigdig. Sa mga ito ilampung milyong mamamayan ang namatay. Habang lumakas ang US sa pagtatapos ng mga gerang ito, ang mga digmang pandaigdig ay nagluwal ng unang sosyalistang bansa noong 1917 at ng sosyalistang Tsina noong 1949.

Ang “Cold War” noong ikalawang hati ng ika 20 siglo, ay kinakitaan ng serye ng mga gera ng agresyon ng imperyalismong US sa Korea, Vietnam at iba pang bahagi ng Asya. Naglunsad ito ng mga anti komunistang kampanya sa Asia, Africa at Latina Amarica. Ang Cold War ay maituturing na Ikatlong Digmang Pandaigdig na ang mga biktima ay umabot din sa ilanpung milyong namatay.

Ani Prop. Sison:

The wars unleashed by monopoly capitalism have made the 20th the bloodiest century in the entire history of mankind. And under conditions of imperialist domination, the people of the world in their billions have suffered excruciating oppression and exploitation. Even in the socialist and anti-imperialist countries, the people have suffered US economic blockade and the threats and acts of intervention. And yet the “civil society” propaganda of the imperialists and their special agents focus on depicting the armed revolutions of the proletariat and the people, as the source of war and “uncivility”. (“The People’s Struggle Against War”, p.215)

Ipinaalaala sa atin ni Prop. Sison na ang ating Rebolusyon noong 1896 ay makapagtamo na sana ng lubos na tagumpay.

“ But U.S. imperialism intervened, unleashed a brutal war of aggression against the Filipino people and turned the Philippines into its own colony. It did not only deploy a far superior military force to defeat the revolutionary army and massacre 10 percent of the people but also launched the deceptive propaganda of benevolent assimilation and pro-imperialist liberalism which coopted the bourgeois liberal leadership of the revolutionary movement.” (“On Celebrating the Centennial of the Philippine Revolution of 1896”, pp.2-3)

Ang katangiang ito ng imperyalismo, ang gera bilang pangunahing instrumento ng pananakop at ang panloloko para makonsolida ang kapangyarihan nito ay nagpapatuloy hanggang sa kasalukuyan.


Ayon kay Prop. Sison patuloy ang katuturan ng pagsalarawang ginawa ni Lenin sa kalagayan ng daigdig : “ nasa panahon tayo ng imperyalismo at ng rebolusyong proletaryo” . Ang rebisyonistang pagtalikod sa sosyalismo at ang pagtindi ng imperyalistang pagsasamantala at panunupil ang nagtutulak sa proletaryado at sa mamamayan ng mundo para ipaglaban ang sosyaslismo at mapaunlad ang pamamaraan para matatag na makapanatili sa landas ng sosyalismo .(“The Bankruptcy of Imperialist Globalization and the Urgency of the Socialist Cause, p. 148)

Dagdag ni Prop. Sison:

Ang rebisyonistang pagtataksil sa sosyalismo at ang tagumpay ng monopolyo kapitalismo sa paglatag ng neokolonyalismo ay nagpaatras sa mamamayan ng daigdig sa isang sitwasyong maihahambing sa panahon bago ng Unang Digmang Pandaigdig kung kailan wala pang makapangyarihang estadong sosyalista na tumitindig laban sa imperialismo. (“The People’s Struggle Against War”, p. 209)

Ang ganitong kalagayan ay kabahagi ng pakikibaka para sa sosyalismo pero ang bangkaroteng katangian ng impery alismo ang nagluluwal ng mainam na mga kondisyon para makapanibagong lakas at umabante ang mga suhetibong pwersa ng rebolusyon.

The epochal struggle between the forces of imperialism and those of socialism is far from finished. Capitalism is not the end of history. As a new thing in the history of mankind, socialism has to go through twists and turns and ups and downs. The revolutionary parties of the proletariat have to learn their lessons well from both positive and negative experiences in order to resurge and prevail over imperialism. (“The Bankruptcy of Imperialist Globalization and the Urgency of the Socialist Cause”, pp. 148-149)

Napakahalagang matanganan ng mga rebolusyonaryong partido at proletaryado ang mga mahahalagang aral sa mahabang pakikibak para sa sosyalismo dahil hindi simpleng guguho at maglaho ang imperiyalismo at lilitaw ang sosyalismo:

But imperialism will not collapse on its own accord, even if interimperialist wars occur. The crisis of overproduction and interimperialist wars can only provide the favorable objective conditions for the subjective forces of the revolution to take advantage of in order to grow in strength through struggle and overthrow the imperialists and local reactionaries. Only the armed revolution of the proletariat and the people can destroy the power of imperialism and reaction. (“The People’ Struggle Against War, p.213)

Dahil, mahigpit na tangan ang proletaryong paninindigan, pananaw at paraan, optimistiko ang pagsusuma ni Prop. Sison sa kahinatnan ng sosyalismo sa harap ng paliko-likong landas na tinahak nito sa nakaraang siglo. Napakabuluhan ang isinulat niya noong 1997 sa kasalukuyang sitwasyong kinakaharap natin:

Conditions in the world capitalist system are now comparable to those during the Great Depression and even worse in several respects. The stage is set for far worse capitalist crisis and interimperialist war as well as for proletarian revolution and national liberation movements in the 21st century. I am confident that in the revolutionary struggles of the proletariat and the people in the forthcoming century, the cause of national liberation, democracy and socialism will win victories greater than those in the 20th century. (“Accelerated Destruction of Productive Forces, p. 120)


Community singing of The International
National Artist Prof. Bienvenido Lumbera

Tunay na napapanahon ang aklat na ito sa ngayo na kinakaharap ng mundo ang walang kapantay na kapitalistang krisis pang-ekonomiya at ang patuloy na mga digmang agresyon ng US sa Iraq, Afghanistan, Palestine at sa atin dito sa Pilipinas.

Humayo’t bumili ng libro at basahin ito. Mas mahalaga, patuloy na kumilos para sa isang mundong malaya sa imperyalismo at kapitalismo. Tulad ni Prop. Sison, isabuhay natin ang turo ni Marx, “Philosophers have merely interpreted the World, the point, however, is to change it.” Unawain natin ang daigdig para baguhin ito.

Maraming salamat.





Video Clips

Video clips courtesy of KODAO Productions
Video Presentation about the books  
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5 6
7 8
9 10

◄   Aklat ng Bayan sales staff preparing the books for sale at special launching day discount. They had a brisk sale in the hundreds.


◄ The couple Leoncio and Linda Co honored the author, their good friend,  by serving meryenda y cena to the more than 400 guests in the book launching. Julie de Lima-Sison  later emailed them to say: "We are very glad to learn that as constantly unobstrusive as the air we breath you  contributed hugely to the success of the anbi (Aklat ng Bayan, Inc) booklaunch in the continuing celebration of joma's 50/70 anniversaries."


The program started at 6 and ended at 9 in the evening. You can therefore imagine the state of the guests who had food for thought for 3 hours but hungered for food for, well, the body cells.






◄ Arkibong Bayan Internet TV


Arkibong Bayan partnered with AGHAM/CPU to bring the book launching of Aklat ng Bayan to cyberspace via live streaming video. This allowed visitors of Arkibong Bayan to view the program at its Internet TV webpage at this url:




If you are planning to set up an internet TV facility for your organization, you may contact AGHAM/CPU for information and assistance. Their email and websites:


AGHAM <agham.national@gmail.com>