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U.S. IMPERIALISM AND REVOLUTIONARY INTERNATIONALISM1
by Jose Maria Sison
Speech prepared for the
12th World Conference Against A & H Bombs, Japan, July 28 to
August 29, 1966.
As Philippine delegate, I am happy to extend my people’s warmest greetings
of friendship and solidarity to the Japanese people and to the various
countries participating in this 12th World Conference Against A & H bombs.
I have come with the high hope that we shall
be able to share our experiences in the struggle for freedom and truly
lasting peace, arrive at the correct methods of struggle, and reinforce
our common determination to fight today’s chief cause of war and national
oppression—U.S. imperialism. In this regard, let us take advantage of the
opportunity presented by the highly representative character of this world
conference which embraces six zones: Asia, Africa, Latin America, Europe,
Oceania, and the United States.
The Philippine delegation in this conference is of the view that the
struggle for national and social liberation is inseparable from the
struggle for a lasting peace. So long as colonialism, imperialism and
neocolonialism—spearheaded by U.S. imperialism—exist and so long as U.S.
imperialism effects the subjugation and exploitation of peoples throughout
the world, no truly lasting peace can be created by any people without
resolute revolutionary struggle. Only by continuing the resolute struggle
against U.S. imperialism can we achieve genuine peace instead of a
capitulationist postponement of struggle or a prolongation of imperialist
domination.
U.S. imperialism tries to perpetuate its worldwide system of exploitation
by constantly threatening a nuclear war. It is fear of this nuclear
blackmail that is precisely desired by U.S. imperialism so as to weaken
the resistance and determination of peoples through the world.
The answer to U.S. nuclear blackmail is
revolutionary struggle. The power of U.S. imperialism is already
overextended throughout the world. Its foundations are overstrained as may
be confirmed by the American delegates here. All that we, the peoples of
the world, have to do is to strike at that link of the imperialist chain
which falls on each of our own countries. Every link of the U.S.
imperialist chain at this stage of world development has become brittle
and can easily be broken by the revolutionary struggle of the masses of
the people.
The nuclear power of the United States becomes
useless if all peoples of the world, including the American people, will
engage in revolutionary struggle. The threat of a global nuclear war
becomes effective only if the peoples of the world become frightened and
do not perform their internationalist duty of fighting U.S. imperialism
within their respective spheres of action and thus fail to scatter the
attention of U.S. imperialism from the present world focus of
struggle:Vietnam.
As long as there is no revolutionary
opposition to imperialism in North America and Europe and no militant
attempts to develop it there, U.S. imperialism will always take the
opportunity of concentrating its aggressive forces in Asia and attempt to
destroy the worldwide struggle for freedom part by part. In this light, we
can see the counter- revolutionary character of modern revisionism,
particularly its capitulationism, which genuine anti-imperialists readily
recognize.
At this stage of world history, no strategy
and tactics can be pursued in one part of the world without reference to
other parts of the world. There is only one main line and that is: every
people of the world must resolutely perform their internationalist duty of
striking at the chief cause of war, U.S. imperialism.
After clarifying with you the essential principle that revolutionary
struggle is the sure guarantee for world peace and the prevention of
nuclear war, I wish to apprise you of the degree of imperialist domination
in my country. You can easily imagine how much contribution to the
worldwide struggle for freedom would my people be giving by breaking the
aggressive power of U.S. imperialism in their own sphere of action.
You are, of course, aware of the fact that the Philippines was conquered
by the United States at the beginning of this century. The main purpose of
the U.S. then as it still is now was to make use of my country as an
advance base for its monopoly-capitalistic expansionist drive towards the
whole of Asia, particularly towards China under the aegis of the Open Door
policy.
In order to achieve its imperialist purposes,
the U.S. government had to murder more than 250,000 Filipinos within the
short period of 1899-1902. With or without nuclear weapons, it is in the
nature of U.S. imperialism to murder so many of our people, burn down our
homes and commit many more bestialities. As in the Vietnam war, there is
really no difference in the deadly effects of nuclear weapons and those of
the weapons now currently used.
What really matters is whether U.S.
imperialism should be done away with now or given a new lease on life by
capitulationism through an inordinate fear of nuclear weapons.
In my country alone, you can very well see the
results of flabbiness and capitulationism. Towards the end of the
nineteenth century, the ilustrado or liberal-bourgeois leadership tried to
give class leadership to the masses, but it was not really clear about the
process of revolution. When the U.S. imperialists came to destroy the
Philippine revolution and the Philippine revolutionary government, these
capitulationists in the ranks of the revolutionaries were taken in by the
U.S. slogans of “benevolent assimilation”, “education for
self-government,” and “pacification”, which actually meant the mass murder
of the Filipino people and the destruction of our national democratic
values.
These capitulationists have become the active
collaborators of the U.S. imperialists in the exploitation of the Filipino
people. To continue the unfinished Philippine revolution today, more
difficulties and more sacrifices must be made because of previous
compromises and capitulation and betrayals.
The U.S. imperialists cleared the path for
widespread aggression throughout Asia more than six decades ago by
frontally attacking the frustrating the Philippine revolution of 1896,
which was the first national democratic revolution in Asia and Africa.
Simultaneously, they were aided by the capitulationists who sabotaged the
revolution from within.
Today, the Philippines remains an important
link in the U.S. imperialist chain. It is the country in Asia whose
economy, politics, culture and military are most controlled by U.S.
imperialism and yet having the most appearance of autonomy. The
Philippines has served as a base for U.S. economic, political, cultural
and military aggression.
With more than twenty military bases
strategically located all over the Philippine archipelago, you can very
well see the gravity of the task facing the Filipino people for their own
sake and for the cause of the international struggle for freedom and
genuine peace.
Against our sovereignty, the U.S. government
exercises extraterritorial rights within large areas of our national
territory and its troops enjoy exterritorial rights extending to every
corner. The system of U.S. military bases in the Philippines has always
served as the launching ground for U.S. aggression against neighboring
brother peoples, particularly our Vietnamese brothers at present.
The U.S. government has succeeded in forcing
the Philippine puppet president and congress to dispatch 2,000 combat
troops to South Vietnam and appropriate P35 million for this year alone at
the expense of our people who are badly in need of these funds to
alleviate their poverty and suffering. This step taken by our government
brings to a new level its involvement in the U.S. war of aggression
against the Vietnamese people of both South and North. This step is a
shameless act before all freedom-fighting and peace-loving people of the
world.
This step was taken over the heads of the
Filipino people and must be roundly condemned by this conference.
Cherishing our own revolutionary traditions
and our national democratic aspirations we, the Filipino people,
vigorously oppose the U.S. war of aggression in Vietnam. We have
experienced and we know that we are still going to experience what the
Vietnamese people are now experiencing from U.S. imperialism in their
struggle for national liberation.
We are of the view that the United States and
its co- aggressors should withdraw immediately from South Vietnam and
allow the Vietnamese people to attain their own demands. The U.S.
government’s attempt to suppress the national democratic aspirations of
the Vietnamese people is basically similar its effort to suppress our own
in the past six decades and more.
We are familiar with the U.S. imperialist
siren call for peace and negotiations as a smokescreen to bring its policy
of aggression and war to a new and more dangerous level. No amount of
whitewashing can remove from our view the blood on the murderous hands of
those thrill killers and pyromaniacs in Washington and Wall Street.
The bombing of the periphery of Hanoi and
Haiphong is nothing but an act of desperation, a clear sign of the
accelerating collapse of the Saigon puppet government and the failure of
the all-out U.S. aggression.
For the first time in the history of Gensuikyo, I have been informed, the
Philippines is represented in its World Conference. We, the Filipino
people, take a special interest in this conference because we have hoped
that in the light of recent and extremely vigorous attempts of the United
States to use Japan as a shield in its aggressive acts and maneuvers, we
may be able to derive deeper knowledge and better perspective of the
developing situation.
We, the Filipino people, are very much
concerned about the consistent remilitarization and nuclearization of
Japan. We suffered severely during World War II from the atrocities and
depredations of Japanese imperialism. We have not forgotten these and no
amount of reparations goods going into the hands of a few corrupt men in
my country will give your monopoly-capitalists enough license to reappear
on the scene of their crime. We are once more alerted to Japanese
militarism, a partner of U.S. imperialism in the exploitation of the
unliberated areas of Asia, particularly Southeast Asia.
The Japanese people themselves, as the
Philippine delegation has observed, condemn the reemergence of Japanese
militarism under the wing of U.S. imperialism. Like the Filipino people,
they have suffered much because of imperialist wars.
We are in deep sympathy with the struggle of
the Japanese people against the militarization and nuclearization of
Japan, against the persistence and expansion of U.S. military bases and
facilities within Japanese territory, against the docking of
nuclear-powered submarines, against the development of F-105D
nuclear-capable bombers in Japan, against the criminal neglect of atomic
bomb sufferers.
We are against the impending dispatch overseas of the Japanese
Self-Defense Forces, against the continued U.S. possession of Okinawa and
Ogasawara, against the revision of the Peace Constitution, against the
Japan-ROK Treaty and the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty and against the
implementation of the “three arrow” operation plan.
The Philippine delegation takes note of how
well- entrenched U.S. imperialism is in Japan even until now. We wish to
expose before this conference the role of fugleman that U.S. imperialism
has assigned to the Japanese monopoly-capitalists in such U.S.-inspired
maneuvers as the Asian and Pacific Conference (a preparation for a new
military alliance embracing American puppet-states) and also the Southeast
Asian Economic Development Ministerial Conference (dubbed as “independent
Asian diplomacy”).
By putting Japan at the forefront, U.S.
imperialism has the sinister motive of making the Japanese people share
the blame and the costs of U.S. aggression in Asia, and making the
Japanese government take a belligerent attitude towards the Chinese people
and support fascist regimes like those of South Vietnam, Taiwan, South
Korea, Indonesia and others for the benefit of monopoly capitalists.
The Japanese people know the horrible effects
of nuclear weapons as demonstrated by the bombing of Hiroshima and
Nagasaki and by the Bikini tests. The U.S. government tested its weapons
on the Japanese people in an obvious act of racial discrimination. They
are, therefore, very much concerned about the possession of nuclear
weapons by imperialist states. This concern is shared by the Philippine
delegation.
The Moscow Tripartite Treaty or partial test
ban treaty has not brought us any closer to the prevention of nuclear war.
It has, on the other hand, brought us closer to it because it has served
only to legalize the nuclear stockpile of U.S. imperialism and it has
allowed it to develop and improve its nuclear weapons through underground
tests. The worst result of this treaty, of course, has been the further
befuddling of the minds of revisionists.
The “non-proliferation” treaty being proposed
by the United States and endorsed by its revisionist partners does not
also bring us any closer to the prevention of nuclear war. On the other
hand, it is intended to bring us closer to it because it obscures further
the basic problem of imperialist possession of nuclear weapons, both
strategic and tactical.
All countries of the world must heed the call
of the People’s Republic of China for the complete prohibition of nuclear
weapons. All nuclear weapons must be banned and entirely destroyed. A
common agreement to this effect, and no less, must be immediately made by
all nuclear-armed countries. Nevertheless, if a complete prohibition of
nuclear weapons cannot as yet be achieved, then there is no substitute for
persistent militant struggle of all peoples of the world against U.S.
imperialism. Let us simply remember that there was once a time when U.S.
imperialism had nuclear monopoly and it engaged in nuclear blackmail. But,
both nuclear monopoly and nuclear blackmail were rendered useless by
revolutionary struggles. Why fear nuclear blackmail when the nuclear
monopoly has been broken by revolutionaries?
On the part of the Filipino people, we realize fully that we can help
prevent the outbreak of a nuclear war by setting ourselves free from U.S.
imperialist domination. We know that we must first be freed of those U.S.
military bases in our national territory to free ourselves from those
nuclear weapons which they contain and which are poised against our
brother Asian peoples. And we must also be freed of the U.S. economic,
cultural and political domination for which these foreign military bases
exist.
In conclusion, let me assure my brothers here
that we, the Filipino people, shall prove ourselves worthy of your
fraternal consideration only through militant struggle.
Long live all anti-imperialist movements in the world!
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